The judgment created more problems in the Church than anticipated. This is because the 1931 Constitution referred to was outmoded and not in use at the time. On 24th May 1991, a group of concerned churchmen and women including some of the leadership and clergy met at South La in Accra to discuss the implications of the ruling, After much deliberation they held a news conference addressed by Mr. Dan Amlalo. They declared that the judgment meant that the Church had no valid constitution and that all constitutional offices in the Church had ceased to exist because they did not have any constitutional basis. They further asked all congregations to remain autonomous and wait for further directives.
- beginning late in the 19th C, there began to be splits and breakaways from mission churches to form separate, African led churches. Africans had become aware that such things were not unknown in Europe and N. America. — Why were there so many different churches and missionaries? Was there more than one God?- missionaries had had to explain the origins of different churches. In fact, many Africans had witnessed the process when the Scottish presbyterians had split into 2 churches in the 1840s (Free Church of Scotland and United Presbyterian Church) and the mission in South Africa had been split. The two groups had cooperated a great deal and fully accepted each other’s members, but the example was there.Terminology- what to call these churches has been a subject of some concern and dissatisfaction.Separatist churches- this was the term used for a long time, but it has had some negative connotations. After all, in the long history of Christianity, most of the churches formed as a result of schisms—i.e., most churches (including all the Protestant churches) are ‘separatist churches’. Moreover, when the term was used by missionaries who were unhappy when their African members broke away, it often had the connotation of being started by and being a home for malcontents.Independent churches- this does not have negative connotations, but it is confusing for a couple of reasons. One reason is that in church history, ‘independency’ has been used primarily to describe a form of church government—congregationalism. A short digression on forms of church government may help clarify things. hierarchical and autocratic—the Roman Catholic Church is the strongest example where power and decision-making is strongly concentrated at the top. It is less autocratic in other hierarchical churches, such as the Anglican church where major decisions (ordination of women, ordaining of gays, etc.) are made at church councils which nowadays includes lay people as well as clergy.centralized—major decisions are made at frequent (often annual) conferences; officials are elected for specific terms and have limited powers. The Wesleyan Methodist Church is an example. congregational—a great deal of decision-making is in the hands of the local congregations. There is a general body which defines church law, dogmas and statements of faith and ordains clergy. The local congregation handles almost all local affairs—discipline of members, hiring of clergy, property matters and ownership, etc. The general body has hardly any authority to interfere in congregational affairs.presbyterian—this is a modified congregational system. Congregations are organized into a regional presbytery of several congregations with representatives from each congregation. The presbytery serves as a court of appeal from congregational courts and governing bodies. It has some limited powers to intervene in individual congregations.- in any case, the African led churches show a wide range of different church government formats, not just congregational forms.Other terms- other terms have either been pejorative (e.g., semi-heathen churches) or incorrect (e.g., syncretistic churches—some are but many are not).- African Initiated Churches (AICs) is a recent term which is gaining acceptance because it seems to avoid the undesirable aspects of other terms. It applies to all Christian churches which are started and controlled by Africans.- this is a topic of great interest for several reasons:in the census in the 1990s, close to 90% of Africans in South Africa declared themselves to be Christians and almost 50% were members of AICs. Because the AICs are growing faster, it is likely that members of AICs now outnumber Africans in the regular churches. AICs played a very large role in the transformation to Christianity during the 20th C.the role of these churches is not just religious and cosmological, but also social and sociological.from the moment Africans began to break away from the regular churches and mission societies and form their own churches, there began a debate about whether or not these actions involved a political goal and significance. That debate continues.- the movement and the churches have been studied by scholars from many disciplines—history, religious studies, sociology, anthropology and probably a few others. The Southern African Missiological Society helps to coordinate a great deal of study on AICs and has a number of articles from their journal, Missionalia.Causes and Motives- we can get some indications by looking at a number of breakaways, as well as get an idea of the timing and development of the process.(1) Restrictions on Traditional Customs - in the 1870s, the London Missionary Society (LMS) had a breakaway in South Africa because of attempts to prohibit circumcision for boys among the Rolong (a Tswana people); it was a relatively modest revolt. Most African members returned to the mission, but some remained outside and later joined AICs in the 1890s.- the issue of traditional customs was not a significant factor in secessionist movements in South Africa; missionaries had poor success in halting these customs as we noted before. By the 1890s or early in the 20th C, most churches had stopped disciplining for lobola or for circumcision.- did the development of separatist churches in the 1890s assist that? Possibly, but it is also true that missionaries had often pretended not to see or took little action beyond a light reprimand. While some separatists jeered on this point at Africans who remained in the regular churches, it was not a serious cause of secessions in most cases.[However, in 1928 in Kenya, the Church of Scotland mission forbade the practice of ‘female circumcision’ (nowadays referred to as ‘female genital mutilation’) for its Kikuyu members. This prompted a large scale revolt among Kikuyu members which led to the formation of at least two AICs there as well as the formation of a separate school system. The issue was taken up by the newly formed Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) and thus fed into the African nationalist movement.](2) National Church idea - this was an attempt to bridge the ‘red’ — ‘school’ split in Xhosa societies. [Missionaries set up schools for their converts and Christians became ‘school’ people; traditionalists decorated their bodies and clothing with red ochre (an iron ore substance with a rusty red colour) and this became a symbol for the traditionalists who rejected Christianity and became known as ‘red’ people.]- Nehemiah Tile, a Wesleyan Methodist clergyman, had begun showing a great deal of interest in the politics of his Thembu society (in fact, he resigned from the Wes. Meth. Church in 1881 when he was about to be disciplined for donating an ox for the circumcision of the Paramount Chief’s heir).- he proposed the creation of a Thembu National Church modeled on the Church of England, which has the Queen as the head; the Thembu Paramount would be the head of the Thembu church. In this way, both the traditionalist ‘reds’ and the Christian ‘school’ people would be able to unite in loyalty to the Paramount.- both missionaries and government officials reacted strongly to thwart this movement and government pressure was decisive. The Paramount, a brutal man and an alcoholic named Ngangelizwe, had initially favoured the idea and had donated land at the Great Place to build a mother church; however, the government threatened to remove him as chief if he did not withdraw his patronage. When he obeyed, the movement lost momentum; then Tile died a few years later. However, a small number of followers remained and the new leader by the name of Goduka ultimately amalgamated with one of the other AICS in the 1890s.- there was a strong tendency for whites to see such actions and movements in political terms; for a long time, many tended to argue that AICs were political movements masquerading as religious movements. In fact, the more paranoid whites saw the trend as a massive anti-white conspiracy.- an outbreak among the Zulu in 1905-06, called the Bambata Rebellion, was blamed at the time (incorrectly) on religious separatism because a few of the people caught up in it were members of AICs; however, the over-whelming majority of the rebels were not (most rebels were in fact traditionalists). The causes were tensions among the Zulu and some provocations by white authorities.- John Buchan’s novel, Prestor John, has the premise of a vast conspiracy among Africans in the guise of a religious movement. Buchan was a member of Lord Milner’s ‘kindergarten’ just after the South African War and got this idea for the novel while there when white paranoia about the movement was at its highest.- in fact, there has never been one iota of evidence of any such conspiracy or even of much political interest of any sort beyond Tile’s idea of trying to bridge the rift in Thembu society.(3) Resentment and Disillusionment- this was both general and personal. Some examples will illustrate:The Ethiopian Church 1892 - the creation of this church was a landmark in the history of AICs.- M. M. Mokone, a clergyman in the Wes. Meth. Church, came to resent the discrimination and inequality in the church. The annual conference was the big decision-making body in the church. It became the practice in the 1880s for Africans to be excluded from the regular conference; instead, they were segregated in a separate ‘Native Conference’ which made recommendations about Africans, but the final decisions were made in the regular conference. When officials refused to change these practices, Makone led a secession and formed the Ethiopian Church in Pretoria and Johannesburg; he was soon joined by others, including some Anglicans.[The term ‘Ethiopian’ has virtually nothing to do with modern Ethiopia. In the King James version of the Bible, Africans were always referred to as Ethiopians. As a result, people of African heritage, in North America as well as Africa, came to recognize the Biblical term as referring to them. Many churches came to have Ethiopia or Ethiopian in their names.]- James Dwane (Wes. Meth.) was one of the ‘stars’ among African clergy; he was better educated than many of the African clergy in the Methodist church and was from an aristocratic family in Xhosa society. He was selected to go to Britain to represent the South African church at a big church celebration about 1894-95. While there, he travelled around preaching extensively and raising money for a college to provide higher education for Africans.- when he returned to South Africa, church officials demanded that the money be put in the general funds; Dwane resigned, taking several thousand members with him, and then joined up with the Ethiopian Church.- about the same time, Mokone heard from some South African students attending colleges in the US about the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME Church), one of the older black churches in the US (it had its origins in the 1780s). It was decided to send a delegation of 3 leaders (Mokone, Dwane and another) to the US to see if they could arrange some affiliation.- in the event, only Dwane was able to raise enough money for the trip and in 1896, he set off with several students who wanted to undertake higher education in the US.- Dwane did arrange a deal with one of the AME leaders, Bishop Turner; however, that created problems at both ends because other leaders claimed that neither had authority on their own to make such arrangements.- however, eventually, things did go ahead and in 1898, Turner made a trip to South Africa where he ordained some 30-40 clergymen and confirmed many thousands as members of the AME Church. Because the war was breaking out, he was not allowed to go to the South African Republic, however.- things did not go smoothly; first there was the disruption of the war; then in 1902, Dwane seceded from the AME/Ethiopian Church and joined the Anglican Church, forming a special entity called the Order of Ethiopia.- Dwane never got his college, although much later, the AME did build one—Wilberforce College.- the AME Church in South Africa continued in spite of Dwane’s secession and was rebuilt after the S. African War; there are a couple of important features. Until recently, the leaders of the AME Church in South Africa were always American bishops. Also, the AME Church was and is a rarity among AICs in South Africa; it has bridged the divide between Coloureds and Africans and has always had members from both communities.- who were the 30 men ordained by Bhp Turner in 1898? Not one, as far as I know, had been ordained in the regular churches.- in the 1890s, the Wesleyan Methodist church changed their policies on selection for the ministry; previously, they had chosen older, middle-aged men who often had lesser educational qualifications (although many had been teachers), but who had given many years of service as evangelists and local preachers. The Wesleyan system of close supervision allowed men of fewer educational qualifications but good preaching ability to be employed in this way.- now, they began to select younger men with higher qualifications and higher study demands; however, this cut off a career path that many men had hoped to follow. My impression is that such men were strongly represented among the secessionists and probably account for a considerable number of the ordinands of Bhp. Turner. Just as in North America, the ministry was one of the few occupations where Black men could acquire status and exercise leadership. AICs opened up opportunities that had closed or were not available in the white dominated churches and missions where the educational requirements were more exacting.- this is supported by remarks of some missionaries who accused such secessionists of being ‘ambitious’ and intended the remark as a criticism. However, the policy change was closing off an opportunity for advancement and thus, paralleled the closing of job opportunities in secular fields also.Presbyterian Church of Africa (PCA) - the founding of this church in 1898, because of its notoriety, also focused attention on the trend.- its founder was P. J. Mzimba who was highly educated (he was the 1st graduate of the Lovedale Theology School in the 1870s at a time when Latin and Greek were a required part of the curriculum) and ordained about 1875 in the Free Church of Scotland mission. He was a protege of the famous Dr. Stewart, long-time principal of Lovedale Institution.- Mzimba became pastor of the Lovedale Native Congregation (while located in and around Alice and called the Lovedale Native Congregation, it was separate from the Lovedale Institution); he was selected to go to Scotland to participate in the 50th year celebrations of the Free Church of Scotland in 1894, and like Dwane, he too raised money while there (in this case to build a new mother church for his congregation); on Mzimba’s return, there was also a demand to turn the money over to the general funds. In this case though, the general governing body, known as the Synod of Kaffraria, was made up of African ministers and laymen as well as Scottish missionaries. This shows that the secession was not simply a revolt against white control and authority.- eventually, Mzimba seceded and took large numbers of followers with him to form the PCA (the battles over church property went on in the courts for over 10 years).- Mzimba intended his church to remain unchanged except for control; the early constitution for the church was only 2 pages (this is almost unheard of for Calvinist churches which have elaborate rules, laws and internal church court systems). This was possible because the PCA adopted the rules and regulations for membership and for church government of the Free Church of Scotland; it did the same thing for its statement of faith and dogma.- the secession movement was contagious; the American Board Missions had just formed its mission churches in Natal into a Zulu Congregational Church when they had their 1st secession in the 1890s with more to come.- also, before very long, there were secessions from secessionist churches themselves. These processes have been on-going ever since.(4) Changing Ideology—Fundamentalism, Pentecostalism and growing pessimism - a further development of great significance occurred in 1904 when Samuel James Brander, one of the founders of the Ethiopian Church who had originally been an Anglican, broke away and formed the Ethiopian Catholic Church in Zion with an elaborate hierarchy of bishops, archbishops, etc.- at about the same time, the 1st ‘Zionist’ church was formed. A man by the name of Dowie had set up a Christian or Christian Catholic Church in Zion, Illinois in the United States; representatives from his church were in Johannesburg, baptising converts by total emersion in 1903 and working among both whites and Africans (white pentecostals in South Africa trace their origins to this period). This introduced elements of pentecostalism—baptism by emersion, faith healing, speaking in tongues (glossalalia), emotional extemporary praying by the congregation, etc. Church meetings were much more lively.- the history since then has been of a proliferation of such churches; leaders of these churches gain status and position by their experience and the influence of their preaching, rather than formal education; in fact, many have very limited education. Most of these churches are very small.Categorising AICs - Bengt Sundkler, a missionary who wrote a sociological book—Bantu Prophets in South Africa— analysing the phenomena, set out the categorisation that has been used ever since (however, recent scholars have sometimes subdivided his categories). He divided the AICs into 2 categories:Ethiopian churches—these were not significantly different from most of the regular churches and missions in regard to theology, worship practices, etc. The key difference was that they were led and controlled entirely by Africans or Coloureds and that was the main raison d’etre—to achieve African leadership and control.Zionist churches—these were much more radical and different in the areas of theology, worship practices, etc. In a significant number of cases, they have ‘Zion’ or ‘Zionist’ in their names.- in West Africa, these churches are labelled as ‘aladura’ churches.- in some cases, these churches show significant syncretistic aspects (i.e., joining and merging elements from different religious backgrounds—traditional religion and Christianity). However, many scholars who know little or nothing about more radical practices in Christian sects historically or at the present day elsewhere in the world have frequently mislabeled and exaggerated this aspect. That is, many practices which they have labelled as ‘syncretistic’ have been or are practiced by Christians elsewhere; did these Christians borrow the practices from traditional African religion? It does not seem likely!- many of the pentecostal elements are similar to practices in traditional society; for example, faith healing has many features similar to traditional medicine, baptism by emersion can be compared to water purification rituals, etc.- a few of the preachers develop unique theological positions (e.g., that Jesus was a black man and the stories and pictures showing otherwise are lies; that in the next life, the roles of whites and blacks will be reversed, etc.).- in reality, it is probably more useful to regard this as a spectrum with many gradations.- also, the proliferation of AICs has been very dramatic; when Sundkler published the 1st edition of his book in 1947, the government in S. Africa had knowledge of over 2,000 churches. By 1962 in the 2nd edition, that total had grown to over 4,000 and there is no way of knowing how many others existed without trying to register with the government. A study in the late 1960s claimed that there were over 8,000 in all of Africa at that time.Roles and Functions of African Initiated Churches Religion was one of the few areas where Africans could be masters of their own lives.- this was especially true in the apartheid era. Although there were many voices raised in the early period before the 1st World War urging suppression of separatist churches, except for the actions taken against Tile’s Thembu Church, for the most part they were not interfered with by the authorities. Even the National Party government did not interfere. One of the main reasons is that the separatist churches had little or no political orientation. However, we shall return to this point.The churches were one of the few areas for Africans to exercise leadership and to acquire status.- this is especially true for those Africans with limited educational qualifications;- the struggle and competition for leadership is probably an important explanation for the many schisms. Although the ostensible issues in schisms often revolve around control of funds, theology and doctrine, etc., the competition for leadership is often an underlying (and even primary) factor.- most of the churches are small (a leader who gathers a small following—typically, the majority of followers are women—and maybe a few of his kin).- some of the leaders are illiterate or nearly so, which means that AICs provide leadership possibilities for people at all levels of education.Social functions Mechanisms for transition- this area provides a big explanation for the great success of the movement; the churches facilitate at least 2 kinds of transition:Rural traditional ===> urban & industrial life;Social mobility over time and from generation to generation upward.- rural traditionalists were mostly illiterate and had few skills; they got unskilled jobs (low pay, high insecurity), faced great complexity of government regulations and had to deal with the over-whelming scale of the city.- those who were determined to remain the same and not to assimilate often regarded themselves as temporary sojourners (with wives and children left behind in the rural reserves). They had techniques for maintaining rural ties and behaviours.- however, those who are not so determined traditionalists usually felt a need to adapt and to assimilate; AICs provide one of the most important mechanisms for doing this. With a wide spectrum of churches, Africans can find some combination which fills their needs best.- as in other societies, the Christian churches form a social pecking order with the small syncretistic churches at the bottom and going up as one moves across the spectrum towards the Ethiopian churches. The regular churches are the top of this status hierarchy.- this provides social mobility; as families assimilate and get better education and/or jobs, there is a tendency to change churches and move up the social ladder. Other social functions?Emotional and psychic release—ecstatic emotionalism may be cathartic for those undergoing the severe stresses of transition. New urban migrants tended to go to the most radical and most emotional churches.Mutual support and assistance—helping each other to cope with the complexities of urban life (this was especially difficult in S. Africa).- sometimes members assist each other in time of illness, unemployment, etc. A few AICs even evolved social welfare and assistance programs, although these were exceptions rather than the rule. In most, help was given in a more informal fashion.- companionship and social contacts in a large, anonymous situation. The frequent church meetings provided social outlets and the small size of many churches provided a replacement for the close relationships and society of rural areas. The churches recreate small scale society in the midst of the over-whelming, over-powering scale of large urban centres.Ideological and cosmological functions- to explain separatist churches, one needs to go beyond the economic and sociological aspects; many social scientists fall down on the job by failing to do this.- people need some sort of world view that makes their universe comprehensible—not only “Where am I?” but also “Where am I going?” and “How do I get there?” AICs provide that for some people.- also, people need a means for feeling worth and value; this is why religious movements among the people in lower strata of society tend to be ‘next worldly’ or ‘other worldly’.- one solution to the problem is to reject the inherent basis of existing society as being sinful and ultimately doomed; but in the next world, things will be different and a more just order will exist. In the next world, the righteous, the chosen, the saved will enjoy their rightful place and status; the purpose of this life, therefore, is to prepare for that next life.- in South Africa, this problem has been especially acute in view of the horrible degrading of status on the basis of skin colour (pigmentocracy). The clientele of the AICs tend to have lower status, even among Africans. I think that it is not surprising that most of the AICs seem to adopt this ‘other worldly’ solution.What is the political significance of religious separatism?- as we noted, some whites immediately perceived a political connection. Setting up AICs challenged white domination and control in the churches, and it seemed a logical inference that this was merely a prelude or perhaps a smoke screen to a larger challenge or plot in the political area. This white paranoia reached a peak in the 1st decade of the 20th C and during the Bambatha Rebellion; as noted, it provided the theme for John Buchan’s novel, Prestor John.- while most scholars have acknowledged that this view was mistaken and without foundation, they have nevertheless continued to argue that there was an indirect connection, that the assertion of independence in religious matters led eventually to an attempt to assert independence in political arenas.- it has frequently been argued that secessions and the creation of African led churches was a precursor for African nationalism [in this context, ‘African nationalism’ is a broad, inclusive term for all aspects of the reaction against colonialism and subordination by Africans; initially, it involved demands for Africans to be granted greater participation in public life and in political decision-making. ultimately, it involved a demand for complete independence for African nations or in South Africa, a demand for majority rule].- it was argued that resistance to white domination first emerged in the churches; then approximately 20 years later, during which time politicization occurred, early forms of African nationalism emerged. In effect, the assertion of independence in religious matters stimulated demands for independence in political matters.- some historians have even suggested that this assertiveness in religious organisations could have revolutionary potential in the political sphere. This interpretation is based upon a few incidents. The following excerpt (from my article,“Millennial Christians, British Imperialism, and African Nationalism” in Richard Elphick and Rodney Davenport, eds. Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social and Cultural History (Oxford: James Currey; Cape Town: David Philip, 1997), pp. 337-346. See entire article.) discusses the South African incidents.“But what of the incidents of conflict with political authorities which have been frequently cited as evidence of the potential for revolutionary political action of religious separatism? Of course, the conflict may not have been initiated or intended by the separatists. Practising non-involvement or non-conformity can be interpreted as a political act of insubordination or even rebellion by governments. This happened in several cases of conflict in Bechuanaland involving both chiefs and colonial officials early in the twentieth century.1 In the Bambatha Rebellion of 1906-8, a few separatists participated as did a few Christians from the regular churches but neither group was an instigator or a major factor in the disturbances; the assertion that they were was a myth rooted in white paranoia and hostility.2“However, the two most frequently cited are the events leading to the Bulhoek massacre in Queenstown in 1921 and Wellington Buthelezi’s Garveyite movement in the Transkei in the 1920s. Enoch Mgijima had settled his group of ‘Israelites’ on municipal land at Bulhoek near Queenstown and had failed to comply with orders to move. Mgijima told the Israelites that the Old Testament God, who had ordered them to remain there, was about to destroy the world and deliver them. Also, reminiscent of nineteenth century Xhosa prophets, they need not fear the white man’s weapons. When a large contingent of armed police arrived to enforce the removal order, the Israelites attacked with homemade weapons and over 160 were killed by the police. However, the initiative and aggression arose mostly from the authorities. The occupation of the land was not part of a revolutionary assault on white political power and the resistance was dependent on external supernatural intervention—more in accord with premillennialism. Wellington Buthelezi’s Garveyism in the 1920s was in the same mould. In his case, the prospective outside intervention would be African-American liberators who would overthrow the white government—a myth that circulated, especially in the Transkei, following the first war. Although Buthelezi urged his followers to refuse to pay a new poll tax, challenging the government, he also attacked the ANC and ICU, instead preaching “a radical separatism” of non-involvement of any kind.3 Both movements lie outside the traditions of African nationalism and closer to the cattle-killing in their orientation. It is difficult to detect any significant contribution to the African nationalist struggle.1 Chirenje, Ethiopianism, pp. 94-7, 144-6; also,Chirenje, A History of Northern Botswana 1850-1910, (London: Associated University Presses, 1977), pp. 201-28.
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